Term papers jeb magruder

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  1. Jeb Magruder, Nixon aide jailed for Watergate, dies at 79
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At this moment we only have his word. I had about 25 decision papers because Mitchell had been so sort of off track with these other issues.

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So we meet in the morning, and we go through the first 24, and they're typical campaign decisions about polling, advertising. It was Thursday, March 30, attorney general Mitchell attorney general Mitchell, head of the campaign to reelect the president, met with his deputy Magruder. Magruder had put Gordon Liddy's proposal to bug the telephone of the chairman of the national Democratic Party, Larry O'Brien, at the end of their agenda. So Mitchell said call Haldeman, find out do we really have to, is this really important — so I called Haldeman and he talks to me, and I say, you know, we're not sure it's worth doing.

And Haldeman said yes, the president wants it done. He said is John there? I said yes, and I give the phone to John, and Haldeman talks to him. And then the president comes on the line and talks to Mitchell. I could hear the president talking to him, and it was simply, you know, John, we need to get the information on Larry O'Brien, the only way we can do that is through Lee's plan, and you need to do that. Nixon was saying we want Libby to break into the Watergate.

For his role in the Watergate scandal, Jeb Magruder spent seven months in prison for perjury and obstruction of justice. He now teaches law at Georgetown University Law School.

Jeb Magruder, it's been 30 years. Why are we hearing of this now? Well, it was not something that I did in a meaningful way. I had retired from full-time work in December.

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And had moved back to Columbus, Ohio, and began to do some writing. So I was thinking about some of these things when PBS called me and asked me to participate in this two-hour special documentary Watergate plus 30 in the shadow of history. And during that period of time when I talked with them both on the phone and then when I went to Washington, the subject came up and I talked about it because it was what happened.

But surely in all the years that have passed since the events that you talk about in this, you've been approached by other people, you've cooperated with the BBC documentary, countless books have been written, and somehow it never came up that you heard this phone call? Well, I was really never asked in a specific way — certainly not during my testimony at the Watergate trials. To the best of my recollection, I wasn't asked that either at the Senate Watergate hearing, but I really need to go back and look at that testimony.

Jeb Magruder, Nixon aide jailed for Watergate, dies at 79

I didn't have it at home. So I wasn't really able to review that. But it was a question of loyalty; it was a question of survival. I was hoping, as we all were, to get either executive clemency or a pardon. And it took about a year and a half, two years later for all of us to find out that that was not going to happen.

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By that time I had gone through Princeton Seminary and became a minister, and I really made a decision to separate the past as much as I could. That would not have been my parishioners certainly didn't want to spend time just dealing with Watergate. There's been so much discussion about what President Nixon really knew, how directly he was involved in the event surrounding Watergate and the break in particular.

Do you think that what you now know what you're sharing with us, solves a puzzle? Well, I think it does. In the sense that, and I've talked to john dean as an example, and both of us agree that there were other cases. There was the Ellsburg break in, there was President Nixon on the tapes talking about potential break ins at the Brookings Institutes.

So this was a pattern of behavior that followed us, followed me certainly from the White House over to the committee to reelect the president. And why do you think anybody would believe you now? Why is it that after all this time the prosecutors who put together this case in the Senate and the House, they say they had briefed you extensively, why would they believe you now? Well, it really doesn't matter to me whether they believe me or whatever else is true. I know what the truth is, and I'm telling the truth. That's all.

Sam Dash, you were obviously there, this is information which may have been useful to the work you were doing at the time. What is your reaction to this? Well, I'm not surprised with what Mr. Bob Woodward , a reporter working for the Washington Post was told by a friend who was employed by the government, that senior aides of President Richard Nixon , had paid the burglars to obtain information about its political opponents.

Jeb Stuart Magruder was also involved in dealing with George Wallace : "The Alabama governor was a constant concern to us. If he ran in , would the third-party split help us or hurt us? The equation was a complex one, but the consensus was that he would hurt us, and there were constant discussions and plans on how to keep him out of the race, ranging from preempting him with go-slow school integration policies to our putting several hundred thousand dollars into the campaign of the man who ran against Wallace for governor in The ongoing White House concern about Wallace was reflected in a constant stream of memos from Haldeman asking us for up-to-the-minute reports on how many state primaries Wallace would be able to enter.

In Richard Nixon was once again selected as the Republican presidential candidate. On 7th November, Nixon easily won the the election with 61 per cent of the popular vote. Magruder went on to manage Nixon's inauguration in January, , as Inaugural Director. Barker , James W. McCord , E.

Watergate conspirator Jeb Stuart Magruder dies at 79 | World news | The Guardian

All the men refused to explain who paid them to take part in the break-in. As a result they all received long prison sentences. On 19th March, James W.

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McCord wrote a letter to Judge John J. Sirica claiming that the defendants had pleaded guilty under pressure from John Dean and John N. Mitchell and that perjury had been committed during the trial. Soon afterwards Dean also began providing information on Watergate.

This included the claim that Richard Nixon participated in the cover-up. Nixon was concerned about J being involved in the scandal. In his Memoirs he talked about a meeting he had with John Ehrlichman : "On Saturday afternoon, July 8, Ehrlichman and I went for a walk on the beach.

It was a beautiful California day, and we could see the surfers bobbing on their boards in the water far down the coast.

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As we walked along the conversation turned to Magruder. I told John Ehrlichman in a long walk on the beach that under the circumstances the question is whether Magruder is going to be better off in the event that he anticipates what will happen and voluntarily indicates what his role was and takes responsibility for the action, or whether he will face the fact that he will be questioned on such matters and then be forced at a later time to resign. I strongly urged the first course in his own interests.

Magruder also began cooperating with federal prosecutors. Sirica to 4 months to 10 years for his role in the failed Watergate burglary and subsequent cover up.

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  5. However, he only served seven months of the sentence before being released. The book was criticised for not completely explaining his role in the Watergate Scandal. A book about his religious beliefs, From Power to Peace , was published in Magruder "Somewhere between my ambition and my ideals I lost my ethical compass. After studying for a Masters Degree in Divinity from the Princeton Theological Seminary he was ordained as a Presbyterian minister in In July, , Magruder admitted for the first time that Richard Nixon gave the orders for the Watergate break-in on 20th March, As Godfrey Hodgson pointed out: "Later there was considerable controversy about how much Nixon knew of the dirty tricks plans and Magruder contradicted himself several times.

    In he went back on his early statements that Nixon knew nothing by stating that Nixon had telephoned during one of these meetings, was briefed about the plans by Mitchell and had approved them, though others denied this. However, he was criticized by others for not providing this information during his trial in Jeb Magruder, a year-old public relations specialist, was 'our man at the Committee to Reelect the President'.

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    At the White House, where he previously had been employed, I had found him eager but unreliable. President Nixon clearly recognized his need for effective public relations, and constantly pushed me to get something going. Once again Dean joined us, and once again we had an inconclusive talk with Mitchell. Liddy still wanted to use call girls in Washington, but the others of us were skeptical and discouraged that plan. We agreed that we should have the capacity to break up hostile demonstrations, and that we needed agents who could get us information on possible disruptions at our convention.

    Mitchell was still concerned about the plan's price tag and told Liddy he should cut back on his costs, then we could discuss the plan again. Mitchell, during the discussion, told Liddy that he had information that a Las Vegas newspaper publisher, Hank Greenspun, had some documents in his office that would be politically damaging to Senator Muskie.